[Smita Ghosh, JD, Class of 2014, and PhD Candidate, American Legal History, at the
University of Pennsylvania, has provided us with a recap of
a second ASLH panel, "The Administrative State at the Grassroots." The panelists were (1)
Eric L. Muller, the Dan K. Moore Distinguished Professor in Jurisprudence at the University of North Carolina School of Law; (2)
Sarah Milov, an assistant professor in the Corcoran Department of History at the University of Virginia; and (3)
Joanna Grisinger, Associate Professor of Instruction and Director of Undergraduate Studies in the Center for Legal Studies at Northwestern University. I chaired and commented. Here is Ms. Ghosh’s report. The text of my comment and an addendum follow after the jump.]
Eric Muller’s “Looking at Japanese American Imprisonment through a Law Office Window” is a microhistory of legal contests at a Japanese internment site in Wyoming. Project Attorneys for the War Relocation Agency (WRA), who acted as all-purpose lawyers in Japanese internment camps. They served as representatives for camp directors and internee organizations, and also gave legal aid to particular detainees in low-level disputes. While historians have seen these officers as embodiments of the government’s exclusionary impulse--”assimilationists” at best, abusive racists at worst--this paper found more nuanced story. Project Attorneys often ignored explicit directives from Washington in order to accommodate the desires of detainees. At one point, a cuckolded man assaulted another detainee who had been sleeping with his wife. Officials in Washington, who monitored the attorneys in weekly correspondence, urged the Project Attorney to contact state officials to press charges. But the attorney pushed back, convinced by the perception among the detainee “community” that the assault was justified. In the end, the lawyer handled the case in house, suggesting the negotiability of legal practices on the ground.
In
Sarah Milov’s paper, “Clearing the Air:
Shimp v. New Jersey Bell and the Strange Politics of Workplace Smoking,” the original sin is not imprisonment but a little secondhand smoke. The protagonist is an aggrieved plaintiff, rather than a government lawyer, but processes are similarly negotiable (we are, after all, in the grassroots). The paper focuses on Donna Shimp, an employee of Bell Telephone who developed serious health problems after working in a smoke-filled office in the early 1970s. When Bell was unresponsive to her complaints--instead putting her on unpaid leave--Shemp became an anti-smoking activist. She drew from a set of newly available resources to develop her complaints: agencies like the EPA and OSHA and their state counterparts, as well as newly formed anti-smoking advocacy groups. Eventually, she sued the company in state court with the help of a Rutgers Law professor and his employment law clinic. The suit pitted Shimp against her union, which had only ten years before earned its members the right to smoke at work. After winning an injunction against Bell, Shimp developed a non-profit consulting company to help non-smokers advocate for similar changes on the job. Despite the success of the suit, Shimp’s work focused on the bottom-line (and, as someone mentioned in Q&A, a gendered language about protection). Employers of tobacco-toting TAs should take note: Smokers waste 2-10% of the workday on cigarette breaks.
Joanna Grisinger’s paper, “‘The self-containment of the bureaucracy’: The Civil Aeronautics Board and the Right to Participate,” offered a grassroots-level view of public participation in agency processes. The agency in question is the Civil Aeronautics Board, which was empowered to both regulate and promote the American airline industry. This dual mandate made the liberal public participation provisions of the CAB’s statutory mandate fairly hollow. The agency rarely took the public’s input very seriously. Instead, it was overwhelmed by public complaints, captured by greedy airlines and distracted by their orders to boost the industry. But activists were still moved by the power of participation. Activists interested in civil rights, environmentalism and dismantling Apartheid all complained to the Board in one way or another. In this way, as Dan Ernst noted in his comments, Grisinger showed the optimistic tone of the early participation movement.
In his comments, Ernst reflected on his own work on the NRA in the 1930s and ’40s. From this vantage point, he was able to assess the changing nature of administration over the years. In Ernst’s era, it was agencies that made the more “adventurous” legal arguments towards hostile and conservative courts. But by the 1970s things were different: Courts--like the NJ Superior Court in Shimp--were at the forefront of legal change, while agencies were slow to act, perhaps desiring political cover. It was an apt time for Ernst's New Deal era film reference: We weren't in Kansas anymore.
[My comment and an addendum prompted by the Q&A appear after the jump.]