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While I am out, Frank will be watching: Times Square Live Webcam and New Year's Eve around the world.
The clashes between President Abraham Lincoln and Chief Justice Roger B. Taney over slavery, secession, and the president's constitutional war powers went to the heart of Lincoln's presidency. James F. Simon, author of the acclaimed "What Kind of Nation" - an account of the battle between President Thomas Jefferson and Chief Justice John Marshall to define the new nation - brings to vivid life the passionate struggle during the worst crisis in the nation's history, the Civil War. The issues that underlaid that crisis - race, states' rights, and the president's wartime authority - resonate today in the nation's political debate. Lincoln and Taney's bitter disagreements began with Taney's Dred Scott opinion in 1857, when the chief justice declared that the Constitution did not grant the black man any rights that the white man was bound to honor. In the famous Lincoln-Douglas debates, Lincoln attacked the opinion as a warped judicial interpretation of the Framers' intent and accused Taney of being a member of a pro-slavery national conspiracy. In his first inaugural address, President Lincoln insisted that the South had no legal right to secede. Taney, who administered the oath of office to Lincoln, believed that the South's secession was legal and in the best interests of both sections of the country. Once the Civil War began, Lincoln broadly interpreted his constitutional powers as commander in chief to prosecute the war, suspending the writ of habeas corpus, censoring the mails, and authorizing military courts to try civilians for treason. Taney opposed every presidential wartime intiative and openly challenged Lincoln's suspension of the writ of habeas corpus. He accused the president of assuming dictatorial powers in violation of the Constitution. Lincoln ignored Taney's protest, convinced that his actions were both constitutional and necessary to preserve the union. Almost 150 years after Lincoln's and Taney's deaths, their words and actions reverberate in constitutional debate and political battle. Lincoln and Chief Justice Taney tells their dramatic story in fascinating detail.
Studies in Legal History is published in association with the American Society for Legal History. The series consists of books that grapple with key questions in legal history. The series welcomes works of unusual distinction by both senior and junior scholars. Most of the published volumes in the series deal with American legal history, though a significant number are on European topics. There are no chronological, cultural, or geographical limits on volumes in the series.
One of the major questions facing the world today is the role of law in shaping identity and in balancing tradition with modernity. In an arid corner of the Mediterranean region in the first decades of the twentieth century, Mandate Palestine was confronting these very issues. Assaf Likhovski examines the legal history of Palestine, showing how law and identity interacted in a complex colonial society in which British rulers and Jewish and Arab subjects lived together.Law in Mandate Palestine was not merely an instrument of power or a method of solving individual disputes, says Likhovski. It was also a way of answering the question, "Who are we?" British officials, Jewish lawyers, and Arab scholars all turned to the law in their search for their identities, and all used it to create and disseminate a hybrid culture in which Western and non-Western norms existed simultaneously. Uncovering a rich arsenal of legal distinctions, notions, and doctrines used by lawyers to mediate between different identities, Likhovski provides a comprehensive account of the relationship between law and identity. His analysis suggests a new approach to both the legal history of Mandate Palestine and colonial societies in general.
Meanwhile, Likhovski has just posted a related SSRN paper, noted here.
Other UNC Press books in 2006, related to legal history but not in the Series, include:
The American Civil Liberties Union and the Making of Modern Liberalism, 1930-1960 by Judy Kutulas
George Mason, Forgotten Founder by Jeff Broadwater
Slavery and Politics in the Early American Republic by Matthew Mason
The Weight of Their Votes Southern Women and Political Leverage in the 1920s by Lorraine Gates Schuyler
The Papers of John Marshall Vol. XII: Correspondence, Papers, and Selected Judicial Opinions, January 1831-July 1835, with Addendum, June 1783-January 1829 by John Marshall Edited by Charles F. Hobson
The Segregated Origins of Social Security: African Americans and the Welfare State by Mary Poole
The justice system has progressed considerably with regards to domestic violence over past few centuries. America has a long history of treating domestic violence differently from public violence. From the nation's founding through the mid nineteenth century, domestic violence jurisprudence was shaped by the common-law prerogative of chastisement, which allowed a husband to assault his wife within certain “reasonable” limitations. Though formal recognition of chastisement faded, twentieth-century jurisprudence replaced it with privacy justifications for avoiding enforcement of civil and criminal penalties in intramarital disputes. Recent rates, however, show enforcement of criminal penalties against perpetrators of domestic violence on par with, or even exceeding, enforcement in cases of public violence. Yet, as cases like that of Brett and Kim Myers demonstrate, echoes of that history can still be heard in today's legal system. The questions how domestic violence differs from public violence and why it might demand different legal treatment remain relevant. René Girard, a French religious anthropologist, argues in his seminal 1972 work, Violence and the Sacred, that violence is an inevitable element of society. Violence exists, and once aroused it threatens to snowball throughout society and cause chaos. Yet society uses ritual to alleviate violence on the theory that violence can be channeled into a sacrificial victim that, by being destroyed, can both provide an outlet for violence and restore social order. The American legal system has historically been unwilling to heavily penalize domestic violence - private violence - because, as I shall demonstrate, it has tacitly viewed victims of such violence as sacrifices providing an outlet against public violence. This Essay will explore the link between the Girardian model of sacrifice and the American legal system's historical treatment of domestic violence. In Part I, I will discuss the evolution of that treatment, looking at examples in the criminal justice system from police and courts. In Part II, I will turn to the Girardian sacrifice structure as a descriptive model of this domestic-violence tolerance, incorporating ideas from other ritual anthropologists. Finally, in Part III, I will explain how this new understanding can inform feminist theories of domestic violence and our practical understanding of the public-private relationship.
Ali Ozdogan, American University, has posted an abstract in English and Turkish on SSRN, about a book manuscript, On Wiretapping! (Teknik Dinlemeye Dair!). The Turkish version is available on-line. For the English version, the author can be reached here.
ABSTRACT IN ENGLISH: This book has two parts. The first part covers the historical evolution of the American wiretapping legislation, summary of the American Wiretapping Criminal Procedure, the summary of Communication Assistance for Law Enforcement Act of 1994 (CALEA), and the privacy and property right problems in the CALEA and the corresponding suggestions. The second part of the book covers analytical summary and comparative analyses of legal positions of wiretapping in Britain, Canada, Germany, France, Israel, and Turkey. (Note that the manuscript is currently in Turkish. For the English version of the manuscript, please contact to author.
ABSTRACT IN TURKISH: Kitap iki bolumden olusmaktadir. Ilk bolumde, Amerikan teknik dinleme mevzuatinin hukuki gelisimi, Amerikan Teknik dinleme ceza usulunun ozeti, Iletisim Sirketlerinin Kolluk Kuvvetlerine Yardimi Kanununun (CALEA) ozetini, CALEA ile ilgili mulkiyet ve ozel hayatina iliskin sorunlar ve cozuum onerileri bulunmaktadir. Ikinci bolumde Ingiliz, Kanada, Alman, Fransiz, Israil ve Turk hukuk sistemlerinde, teknik dinlemenin anayasal ve ceza usul hukuku acisindan yeri, analitik olarak ozetlenmekte ve mukayeseli analizi yapilmaktadir.
Here's the description from the press:
Earl Warren and the Warren Court: The Legacy in American and Foreign Law comprises essays written by leading experts from the fields of law, history, and social science on the most important areas of the Warren Court's contributions in American law. In addition, Scheiber includes appraisals of the Warren Court's influence abroad, written by authorities of legal development in Europe, Latin America, Canada, and East Asia. This book offers a unique set of analyses that portray how innovations in American law generated by the Warren Court led to a reconsideration of law and the judicial role—and in many areas of the world, to transformations in judicial procedure and the advancement of substantive human rights. Also explored within these pages are the personal role of Earl Warren in the shaping of "Warren era" law and the ways in which his character and background influenced his role as Chief Justice.
Contributors include: Melissa Cully Anderson, Bruce E. Cain, Jesse H. Choper, Javier A. Couso, Malcolm Feeley, Sheila Foster, Philip Frickey, Tom Ginsburg, Edward L. Greenspan, Vicki C. Jackson, Yale Kalmisar, Kjell Ake Modeer, Harry N. Scheiber, Gordon Silverstein, Eivind Smith, and William Van Alstyne.
A BBC interview with legal philosopher Ronald Dworkin about the possibility of democracy and a program suggesting that another charter, not the Magna Carta, is the true source of civil liberties, are listed as among the top ten audios & videos of the year by History News Network. Here are the descriptions:
On Dworkin:
Sociologist Laurie Taylor talks to one of the world's most eminent legal and political philosophers, Ronald Dworkin. Professor Dworkin discusses his concerns on the current state of democracy, liberty and human rights. What role does dignity play in politics? What are the core values that all citizens share? Dworkin is author of Is Democracy Possible Here? Principles for a New Political Debate (Princeton University Press). Adding their thoughts to the debate from the London School of Economics and Political Science are Francesca Klug, Professorial Research Fellow, Centre for the Study of Human Rights; and Julian Le Grand, Richard Titmuss Professor of Social Policy.I knew that other nations keenly followed civil rights in Birmingham, and often argued that the U.S. must live up to its own ideals before criticizing other nations for human rights abuses. (On that point, go here.) But I have never seen the point made quite this way.Gettysburg, U.S.A., 1863
'...It is rather for us to be here dedicated to the great task remaining before us -- that from these honored dead we take increased devotion to that cause for which they gave the last full measure of devotion; that we here highly resolve that these dead shall not have died in vain; that this nation, under God, shall have a new birth of freedom and that government of the people, by the people, for the people, shall not perish for the earth.'
-- ABRAHAM LINCOLN
Emory University has announced that it will spend $2 million to make Deborah Lipstadt's website, Holocaust Denial on Trial, available in a number of non-English languages, including Arabic, Farsi, and Russian. The initiative is partially in response to Iran's recent so-called conference on the Holocaust. Professor Lipstat also blogs at History on Trial.
At midnight on Dec. 31, hundreds of millions of pages of secret documents will be instantly declassified, including many F.B.I. cold war files on investigations of people suspected of being Communist sympathizers. After years of extensions sought by federal agencies behaving like college students facing a term paper, the end of 2006 means the government’s first automatic declassification of records.
Secret documents 25 years old or older will lose their classified status without so much as the stroke of a pen, unless agencies have sought exemptions on the ground that the material remains secret.
Historians say the deadline, created in the Clinton administration but enforced, to the surprise of some scholars, by the secrecy-prone Bush administration, has had
huge effects on public access, despite the large numbers of intelligence documents that have been exempted.
And every year from now on, millions of additional documents will be automatically declassified as they reach the 25-year limit, reversing the traditional practice of releasing just what scholars request. ...Gearing up to review aging records to meet the deadline, agencies have declassified more than one billion pages, shedding light on the Cuban missile crisis, the Vietnam War and the network of Soviet agents in the American government.
Several hundred million pages will be declassified at midnight on Dec. 31, including 270 million pages at the Federal Bureau of Investigation, which has lagged most agencies in reviews.